It began, as many public conversations do today, with a short clip and a simple statement. In it, Esther Passaris urged Kenyans to cut down on sugar consumption and prioritize contributions to the Social Health Authority (SHA), linking her own fitness at 61 to lifestyle discipline and suggesting that some who claim they cannot afford SHA may still spend on non-essential items like regular salon visits.

On the surface, the message appears practical. It promotes personal responsibility, healthier living, and support for a national healthcare system. In another context, it might pass without much scrutiny. But in Kenya’s current economic climate, the reaction it generated reveals something more layered than disagreement over lifestyle advice.

This is where the criticism sharpens. This feels like a classic “Marie Antoinette” script not as a literal historical comparison but as a shorthand for what happens when those in positions of power offer simplified solutions to complex, lived realities. It reflects a moment where advice, however logical in isolation, appears disconnected from the conditions most people are navigating.

For many, the issue is not the logic of prioritization, but the framing. The assumption that discretionary spending can be easily redirected toward essential contributions overlooks the financial realities many households face. Rising living costs, unstable incomes, and competing necessities mean that what appears “optional” from one perspective may not be so easily adjusted from another. In such a context, simplified solutions risk sounding detached, even when they are well-intentioned.

This sense of disconnection is not unprecedented. In 2013, former President Uhuru Kenyatta was asked about the price of bread and responded with an estimate that significantly exceeded the actual cost. The remark persisted in public memory, not because of its factual inaccuracy alone, but because it symbolized a perceived distance between leadership and everyday economic experience.

Moments like these are often revisited because they reinforce a broader pattern. They raise a recurring question within public discourse: to what extent do those in positions of influence fully grasp the conditions under which the majority operate? When communication does not reflect that awareness, it creates a gap between intent and reception.

In the case of health and financial decisions, this gap becomes particularly visible. Individual choices do matter, but they are rarely made in isolation. They are shaped by access to income, time, services, and stability. When these structural factors are not acknowledged, advice centered solely on personal discipline can appear incomplete.

The challenge, therefore, is not whether leaders should encourage responsibility, they should. The challenge lies in how such messages are delivered. Effective communication requires not only clarity of message but also sensitivity to context. Without that balance, even reasonable advice may be interpreted as lacking awareness of lived realities.

Ultimately, the reaction to Passaris’ remarks reflects more than disagreement with a single statement. It highlights the importance of alignment between public messaging and public experience. In societies marked by economic disparity, that alignment is essential. Without it, communication risks reinforcing the very disconnect it seeks to bridge.

In this sense, the conversation is less about sugar, salon visits, or even SHA contributions. It is about perception, context, and the responsibility that comes with speaking from a position of influence. but also by how closely its messages resonate with the lived experiences of the people it seeks to engage.

The post Is This Tone-Deaf or Just Misunderstood? Passaris’ Statement That Has People Talking appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

This is a story about resources, history, global politics, and what it means for Africa’s role in a world still divided by nuclear power.

A Treaty for Peace

In April 1996, African leaders gathered in Cairo and sealed a landmark agreement: the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, better known as the Pelindaba Treaty. The pact, named after a South African nuclear research site, was designed to make the entire continent a nuclear-weapon-free zone.

Under the treaty:

• African states cannot develop, test, acquire, stockpile, or possess nuclear weapons.
• They must not host nuclear explosive devices nor allow stationing of such weapons on their soil.
• Countries are also prohibited from dumping radioactive waste.
• But they can use nuclear science and technology for peaceful purposes, like medical research or energy, under international oversight.

The treaty was opened for signature on 12 April 1996 and finally entered into force on 15 July 2009 once enough countries ratified it. Today, tens of African states have signed and ratified the treaty, underlining a collective commitment to disarmament.

Put simply:
Africa chose peace over nukes and enshrined it in law.

Uranium: Africa’s Hidden Power

Yet while African nations forego nuclear weapons, their soil remains rich in uranium, the key fuel that powers nuclear reactors and can be used for weapons.

Experts estimate that Africa holds close to 18% of the world’s identified uranium resources, meaning a significant share of the raw material needed for nuclear fuel is found on the continent.

And production data show just how critical Africa is to the global uranium market:

• Namibia alone accounted for about 11.37% of global uranium output in 2022, making it one of the world’s top producers.
• Niger contributed roughly 4% of global production in the same year, making it another major African uranium supplier.

Taken together, Africa’s contribution to the world’s mined uranium moves well into the teens as a percentage of total output, making it a vital source of this strategic material.

This sets up a stark contrast:

Africa supplies uranium the substance needed for nuclear fuel and weapons but refuses nuclear weapons itself.

The material ends up in the hands of foreign buyers, fueling power plants in Europe, Asia, and beyond, and in some cases enabling the very nuclear programs African leaders vowed not to embrace.

Who Benefits, and Who Doesn’t?

On paper, exporting uranium should be a boost for African economies. But the reality on the ground is more complicated.

Much of Africa’s uranium mining is controlled by multinational corporations or foreign state-linked firms, which provide capital and export markets but capture a large share of the profits. Local governments benefit through taxes and royalties, yet the wealth often leaves the continent rather than catalyzing broad-based development.

In Niger, for example, uranium mining has fueled debates about sovereignty and economic justice. A recent dispute involving the French nuclear firm Orano illustrated how control over uranium resources remains a flashpoint in West Africa, tied to post-colonial economic relations and national pride.

According to the Nuclear Business Platform, Namibia continues to produce large quantities of uranium and is now exploring ways to capture more value from processing and domestic nuclear technology development rather than just exporting raw ore.

A Peaceful Nuclear Future, or Missed Opportunities?

Although the Pelindaba Treaty is strict about weapons, it explicitly permits peaceful uses of nuclear science and technology, including for energy generation and research.

South Africa, for instance, operates the continent’s only large commercial nuclear power plant at Koeberg, supplying electricity without weapons. Several other countries, from Egypt to Kenya, have expressed interest in nuclear power to address chronic energy shortages. But building and financing nuclear infrastructure is expensive and complex, and most remain in early planning stages.

This juxtaposition deepens the paradox:
Africa produces much of the fuel that powers nuclear programs elsewhere, but many of its people still lack reliable electricity and the benefits of nuclear technology at home.

What It All Means

Africa’s stance on nuclear weapons is bold and principled: a continent-wide renunciation of nuclear arms at a time when global tensions remain high. It reinforces Africa’s voice in global non-proliferation and underscores a desire for peace and security.

But the contrast between resource wealth and technological power also reveals deeper global inequalities:
Africa supplies the world’s uranium while much of its population remains economically and politically excluded from the benefits of nuclear science and energy.

That’s the real irony.

The post Africa Said “No” to Nuclear Weapons, So Why Does the World Still Come Here for Uranium? appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

The media has always reflected Kenya’s triumphs and struggles. It plays a crucial role in protecting democracy from the grassroots to the national level. As Canadian philosopher Marshall McLuhan said, “the media is an extension of ourselves,” influencing how we understand society and hold those in power accountable. This responsibility is even more significant during tense times such as conflict, disasters, and elections, when public trust and the future of democracy rely on timely, accurate, and unbiased reporting.  

Kenya’s media journey is tied to its democratic development. From colonial-era repression, when the press was heavily controlled to serve state interests, to the growth of radio and print after independence, Kenyan media gradually became the people’s voice. During single-party rule, the government used strict censorship. However, with the liberal changes in the 1990s and the constitutional reforms of 2010, a new chapter began.

The 2010 constitution established media freedom in Article 34, banning state interference and guaranteeing independence for the first time. This progress has enabled the press to report the facts and serve as a foundation for democratic checks and balances. However, restrictive laws and practices remain, making the fight for true press freedom ongoing, especially during political contests.

Technological progress has accelerated changes in the media landscape. Kenya’s 2015 digital migration led to rapid growth, resulting in over 182 TV stations, 135 radio stations, 38 print houses, and dozens of strong online outlets by 2025. Mobile phones and social media have made sharing information easier, giving urban and rural communities quick access to news and different viewpoints. Thus, the media has become vital to national discussions, crisis reporting, and democratic engagement, despite ongoing threats from both state and non-state actors.

With these changes, the risks for journalists have increased. The Media Council of Kenya reported over 50 cases of violations of journalists’ safety and security in 2025. The rise in violence during the Finance Bill protests of 2024, when more than 40 journalists were injured, shows the dangerous environment for those reporting news. As political tensions rise with the approaching 2027 elections, these threats are likely to increase unless they are addressed proactively.

The safety of female journalists is particularly concerning. Their numbers and presence in national and local media have increased, with more women taking on leadership and reporting roles. Yet, they face a higher risk, dealing not only with common threats like assault and intimidation but also with gender-based violence, including sexual harassment, threats of sexual violence, and persistent online abuse.

According to AMWIK’s 2024 report on Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV), over 60% of women journalists surveyed reported online harassment. The research shows that technology and social media can amplify voices but also target women for silencing. “This emerging violence undermines the participation of women journalists in public discussions, threatening democracy itself,” notes the AMWIK report.

The dedication and resilience of Kenya’s female journalists, which is sometimes overlooked, has shaped public debate on important topics, from social justice to legislative changes. Their safety is not just about individual well-being but about maintaining the credibility and inclusivity of our democracy.  

To move forward, we need urgent interventions. This includes targeted training in gender-sensitive and election reporting, better safety measures for both physical and online environments, quick support for journalists in danger, and mental health care to address rising stress issues recently highlighted when NTV’s Brygettes Ngana won the Journalist of the Year award.

We must prioritize improved accreditation, better access to election data, and consistent legal reforms to address online and offline attacks. Media stakeholders, government, and civil society must work together to protect the hard-won gains of press freedom and ensure an inclusive media future.  

Finally, Kenya is not immune to broader regional threats. The situation in Tanzania, where media suppression and internet shutdowns limited transparency during elections, serves as a warning. Kenya must build resilience, strengthen accountability, and ensure that no journalist, especially women, is silenced or pushed aside in their mission to report the truth.  

As 2027 nears, we must invest urgently and thoughtfully in the safety of our journalists. Our democracy, our voice, and our future depend on it.  

The post Safety and Security of Female Journalists Is Key to Successful Electoral Reporting as 2027 Approaches appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

Research from the Association of Media Women in Kenya in 2024 titled “An Investigation on the Prevalence of Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence Against Women with Prominent Public Lives” found that over half of the women journalists surveyed had experienced gendered online abuse. Digital attacks often coincide with major news cycles and coordinated campaigns.

This violence takes many forms, including smear campaigns, stalking, altered images, and planned online threats. The anonymity and the wide reach of the internet make these attacks more severe. The research also showed gaps in the current legal frameworks and remedies as they have struggled to keep up, leaving many victims with few options.

In response, AMWIK developed Kenya’s first Safety and Security Handbook for journalists. This handbook offers practical digital safety strategies and advocates for survivor-focused solutions.  Beyond the handbook, comic strips, podcasts, and mental health advocacy have been instrumental in raising awareness and building resilience among journalists, young people, and community leaders.

However, as digital threats increase, national policies have attempted to catch up. Recently, President William Ruto signed the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes (Amendment) Act, 2024 into law. This law expands state powers to tackle cybercrime, introducing stricter penalties for cyber harassment, explicit content, and online fraud.

For survivors of TFGBV, the promise of a crackdown on digital abuse seems like a positive development, but with serious concerns about vague definitions and the broad authority given to the National Computer and Cybercrimes Coordination Committee (NC4). This committee can now order the removal or blocking of digital content without needing explicit court approval.

This authority, without clear judicial oversight, can easily be misused to silence legitimate dissent and journalism. It is particularly concerning given the law’s unclear standards about “false, misleading or fictional data” and “offensive” content. With potential penalties reaching KSh 20 million or 10 years in prison, many reporters now face a real threat of self-censorship or prosecution for producing work that exposes political corruption or holds leaders accountable.

For women, the situation is even more complicated. While stricter penalties for cyber harassment recognize the reality of TFGBV, the language in the law is not explicitly focused on survivors.  Without clear definitions and trauma-informed enforcement, women activists and journalists who speak out could become targets for counterclaims, victim-blaming, or legal retaliation from their abusers.

As Kenya’s digital landscape evolves, the fight against technology-facilitated gendered violence and disinformation requires more than just new laws. There is a need for more partnerships between media, government, civil society, and technology platforms to monitor online harm, share resources, and develop quick, rights-based responses. There is also a need for improved digital and media literacy, empowering communities to recognize, resist, and report TFGBV and gendered disinformation. Additionally, we support judicial reform and law enforcement training to ensure that the law protects rather than punishes survivors while upholding media freedom.

Mental health support is also essential in the digital space, with the need to access counseling and peer support, because the unseen mental wounds can be just as harmful as public attacks.

As we observe the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists, it is vital to acknowledge the increasing risks that women face in Kenya’s newsrooms and public spaces. The challenge is urgent, especially as Kenya approaches another election cycle.

Technology should amplify, not silence voices of women in journalism.

The post Urgent need to Confront TFGBV and Gendered Disinformation in Kenya’s Evolving Digital Landscape appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

If I dare to say, “I’m in too much pain to function,” the response is predictable: a shrug, a chuckle, or that tired line “That’s normal. All women go through it.”

And that’s the real problem. Pain has been recast as ordinary. Women’s suffering is not only dismissed it’s glorified. We’re handed a cultural crown of thorns and told to wear it with pride, as though endurance itself were our crowning achievement.

The Medical Gaslighting

The first betrayal often happens in the doctor’s office. Historically, women’s pain has been minimized, doubted, or outright ignored. One study found that women wait 33% longer than men to receive pain medication in emergency rooms. It’s not just a delay it’s disbelief.

This disbelief is devastating when applied to reproductive health:

• Painful Periods (Dysmenorrhea): Around 80% of women experience menstrual pain; up to 15% suffer pain so severe it disrupts work or school. Yet the advice is often reductive “Take painkiller, it’s just cramps.” This easy dismissal not only normalizes unnecessary suffering but also hides conditions like endometriosis.
• Endometriosis: Affecting 1 in 10 women globally, this condition can cause agonizing pain and infertility. Yet diagnosis takes an average of 7 to 10 years in many countries. Seven years of being told it’s “just stress” or “bad periods.” Seven years of pain treated as imaginary.
• PCOS (Polycystic Ovarian Syndrome): Another 1 in 10 women battle this condition, with symptoms ranging from irregular cycles to chronic pelvic pain. Many see three or more doctors before diagnosis, enduring years of uncertainty.
• Fibroids: Affecting up to 70% of women by age 50, fibroids cause heavy bleeding, back pain, and anemia. Still, many are told to simply “manage it” until the pain becomes unbearable.

This is not medicine it’s gaslighting drapped in white coats.

The Heroism of “Showing Up”

We admire women who grit their teeth through pain as though it’s a badge of honor. The colleague who attends a meeting pale and sweating is hailed as “dedicated.” The mother who juggles child care while recovering from a C-section is “superhuman.”

But what we’re really applauding is their ability to suppress pain. We’ve built a culture where silence equals strength, and asking for relief equals weakness.

To admit, “I can’t work today, I’m doubled over with cramps,” risks judgment: lazy, unreliable, dramatic. And so we push through. We suffer in silence. We wear our pain as armor because that’s what society demands.

Motherhood: Pain as Proof of Love

No discussion of normalized pain is complete without childbirth and postpartum recovery. Labor is one of the most painful experiences a human body can endure, but it’s often romanticized as “natural” and “beautiful.” Pain relief is seen as optional, even indulgent.

And then comes postpartum. Up to 36% of women report severe pain in the first 72 hours after delivery, with many struggling for weeks. Yet they’re expected to host visitors, breastfeed, keep the house together, and return to work often without adequate medical or emotional support.

The fourth trimester is one of the most overlooked phases of women’s health. Instead of care and rest, mothers get platitudes: “That’s just how it is.”

The Cult of Resilience

This is the paradox: women are celebrated for resilience, but that celebration keeps them chained to suffering. To show up in pain is “inspiring.” To demand recognition of that pain is “complaining.”

But resilience should not mean tolerance of neglect. Stoicism is not strength; it is survival in a system designed to ignore you.

Breaking the Silence

It’s time to dismantle this narrative:

1. Believe Women: A woman’s testimony about her pain must be enough to warrant investigation and care.
2. Invest in Research: For decades, women’s health has been underfunded. Closing the gender pain gap requires more than sympathy it needs resources.
3. Change Work Culture: Workplaces should normalize conversations about menstruation, postpartum recovery, and reproductive health without stigma.
4. Reject Pain as Heroism: Stop praising women for enduring pain. Start asking why they have to.

Conclusion: Laying Down the Crown

Every month, I drag myself out of bed, push through the pain, and show up because that’s what’s expected. But showing up doesn’t mean the suffering is acceptable.

The crown of thorns society places on women bleed, ache, endure, repeat was never a gift. It’s a burden we should refuse to carry. A woman’s worth is not in how much she can endure in silence, but in her right to live without unnecessary suffering.

It’s time we stop applauding women for surviving pain and start building a world where they don’t have to.

The post The Crown of Thorns: Why Women’s Pain Is Normalized and Praised appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

Despite government bans and awareness campaigns, poverty and entrenched cultural traditions remain the leading drivers of early marriages and underage pregnancies in the region.

Schools Struggle as Teenage Pregnancies Rise

Teachers in Tana River have expressed deep concern about the increasing number of teenage mothers in classrooms. A local secondary school headteacher explained that many girls in both lower and upper secondary classes are either married off or pregnant, forcing them to drop out.

“With a toddler to take care of, it takes extraordinary resilience for these girls to concentrate on studies,” he said. “Sadly, many end up ridiculed by classmates and society, which makes their situation even worse.”

The headteacher lamented that while communities openly shame young mothers, the men responsible for the pregnancies often escape accountability.

Cultural Defenders Insist on Tradition

Not everyone in the county views child marriage as a problem. Local elder Ibrahim Mamba defended the practice, describing it as a cultural norm that has been practiced for generations.

“Mwacha mila ni mtumwa,” he said, meaning one who abandons culture is a slave. According to Mamba, many girls deliberately get pregnant when school life becomes too difficult. “Instead of idling, it is better for them to marry, even if it means marrying older men,” he argued.

This perspective, however, has drawn sharp criticism from leaders and activists who believe culture should never be used to justify exploitation.

King Divayu Speaks Against FGM and Early Marriage

King Babisani Ramadhan Divayu, leader of the Wailwana community in Tana River, has strongly spoken out against child marriage and FGM. He revealed that, traditionally, girls are introduced to marriage discussions as early as 10 years old, often just before undergoing FGM.

He explained that early marriages are sometimes arranged casually when women fetching water or firewood agree to marry off their children in order to cement friendships.

“This disrupts the education of both the boy and the girl, some as young as grade three or six,” the king said. “Once public ceremonies are held, their concentration in school drops completely.”

The king emphasized that many families, driven by poverty, marry off daughters for as little as KSh 5,000, effectively trading their future for survival.

FGM: An Un-Islamic and Harmful Practice

King Divayu also condemned FGM, describing it as “an un-Islamic and unacceptable curse.” He said it is a false belief that circumcision reduces girls’ sexual desire.

Instead, he noted, the practice exposes women to life-threatening childbirth complications, with some dying during delivery.

Community elder Kantona Dadosa added that, in traditional setups, uncut girls were considered unclean. However, many educated families have started marrying outside the community to avoid marrying girls who have undergone the cut.

Education Crisis Deepens in Tana River

The consequences of these practices are visible in education statistics. A Tana Smart survey shows that out of a population of 315,000, about 86,907 are of school-going age. However, only 51,789 children attend the county’s 200 primary schools.

The county also suffers from a 40 percent dropout rate and a 48 percent transition rate to secondary school. Girls are the most affected, with many dropping out from grade five due to early marriage, pregnancies, or social pressures.

“Poverty and culture are robbing us of an educated generation,” King Divayu said.

Government Crackdown on Offenders

Tana River County Commissioner David Koskei has directed chiefs, assistant chiefs, and village elders to act swiftly against perpetrators of child marriage and FGM.

“The secrecy around these practices and the refusal of parents to cooperate with authorities must be dealt with from the grassroots,” Koskei said.

He urged stakeholders to strengthen public awareness campaigns and push for more investment in education, healthcare, and infrastructure to break the cycle.

Civil Society Called to Support Change

Despite the efforts of local leaders and administrators, challenges remain. The Wailwana Council of Elders, led by King Divayu, has been sensitizing communities about the dangers of child marriage, teenage pregnancy, and FGM.

However, the king admitted progress is slow due to deep cultural roots and widespread poverty. He appealed to civil society organizations, NGOs, and development partners to step in and support community-led interventions.

“We need all hands on deck,” the king said. “Ending these practices is not just about laws it’s about changing mindsets and giving our children a chance at education.

This article was written by Dennis Ochieng Ndiewo

The post Tana River King Condemns Child Marriage, Teenage Pregnancy and FGM as Girls Face Academic Extinction appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

At the heart of this frenzy is a dangerous mix of social media pressure, medical commercialization, and the illusion of quick fixes. Influencers parade their “transformations” as success stories, rarely disclosing the months of pain, possible complications, or the fact that many procedures require costly upkeep. Instead, the before-and-after photos feed a culture of instant gratification: change your body, change your life.

But the costs both visible and hidden are rarely acknowledged. Ozempic, originally developed for diabetes patients, has been repurposed as a miracle weight-loss drug for the image-conscious. Its popularity has triggered shortages for those who medically need it, while many experimenting with it remain unaware of potential side effects: muscle loss, malnutrition, gastrointestinal issues, even dependency. The long-term impact of prolonged use for cosmetic purposes remains largely unknown, yet it is being treated like a simple lifestyle hack.

Cosmetic surgeries tell a similar story. Marketed as tools of self-empowerment, they often trap people in an endless cycle of chasing shifting beauty standards. Today’s “slim-thick” silhouette may give way to tomorrow’s waifish revival. Just like fast fashion, the body itself becomes disposable reshaped, discarded, redone. But unlike clothes, we cannot simply throw our bodies away when the trend passes. The irony is that in the pursuit of perfection, people may end up with scars, chronic complications, or even life-threatening conditions.

We cannot ignore the structural forces behind this. The beauty and pharmaceutical industries thrive on insecurity, marketing costly solutions to problems they helped create. Influencers, knowingly or not, amplify these messages by presenting altered bodies as “normal,” while rarely admitting to the financial, medical, or emotional cost of achieving them. The result is a public increasingly willing to gamble with health for the sake of fitting into a filtered ideal.

To be clear, this is not about condemning those who choose body modification. Personal agency over one’s body matters. But informed consent requires more than a trending hashtag or a 30-second Reel. It demands honest conversations about risks, sustainability, and mental health. If influencers and industries will not take responsibility, then it falls on the rest of us journalists, educators, peers to challenge the narrative and ask harder questions: At what cost are we modifying our bodies? Who benefits, and who gets left behind?

Bodies are not trends. They are not disposable garments to be tailored to the season’s aesthetic. And when the hype fades, the scars both visible and invisible will remain long after the influencer’s carousel post has been buried by the next craze.

The post Ozempic, Surgery, and the Business of Insecurity appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

The WHO recommendation covers SC Johnson’s Guardian™ and Mosquito Shield™, devices that emit an active ingredient to repel mosquitoes from enclosed spaces such as homes, classrooms, and health facilities. Clinical trials in Kenya, Peru, and Indonesia showed the repellents can cut malaria risk by up to 33 percent, with Guardian™ providing protection for up to one year.

SC Johnson opened two high-speed manufacturing lines in Nairobi earlier this year, giving the plant an annual production capacity of 20 million units. The products are distributed at no profit through partnerships with ministries of health and organizations including The MENTOR Initiative, Society for Family Health Rwanda, and United to Beat Malaria.

“From day one, this has been a not-for-profit initiative driven by our commitment to combat diseases that threaten hundreds of millions of people,” said Fisk Johnson, Chairman and CEO of SC Johnson.

Kenya has made significant gains against malaria in the past decade, with deaths falling by 93 percent from 15,061 in 2015 to just 1,060 in 2023. Still, the country reported about 3.3 million malaria cases last year, and six counties in the Lake and Western regions continue to face some of the highest transmission rates in Africa.

The WHO endorsement and prequalification listing mean Guardian™ and Mosquito Shield™ can now be procured through international health channels, expanding their availability to vulnerable communities.

For Kenya, the milestone underscores its shifting role in the global malaria fight from being primarily an aid recipient to serving as a manufacturing hub for a product now recognized as a major innovation in disease prevention.

The post WHO Approves Kenya-Made Malaria Prevention Tool appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

A May 2024 report by SWISSAID reveals that more than 435 tonnes of gold, valued at approximately USD 30.7 billion, were smuggled out of Africa in 2022 alone. Much of this gold, primarily produced through ASM, is never declared at the point of production or export, but is nonetheless recorded as legal imports in major gold trading hubs such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Switzerland, and India.

Kenya’s Position in the Gold Trade

Although Kenya is not among Africa’s top gold producers, its central position in East Africa, proximity to gold-rich neighbors, and access to international air routes have positioned it as a transit country for gold originating from elsewhere. Trade data and reporting by SWISSAID suggest that gold from artisanal mining operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan, and Sudan may be entering Kenya through informal or poorly monitored cross-border channels before being exported internationally.

Kenya’s main airport, Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA), plays a crucial role in the movement of high-value goods, including gold. While gold exports officially require documentation and permits, investigators and civil society organizations have raised concerns about the possibility of forged or incomplete paperwork, mislabeling, and weak enforcement of customs controls.

The extent of the discrepancy between Kenya’s declared gold exports and corresponding import data from destination countries further highlights the scale of the problem.

Discrepancies in Trade Data

Such discrepancies are not isolated to Kenya. SWISSAID’s research relies on mirror data analysis, comparing export records from African countries with import records from their trading partners. In many instances, the quantities of gold recorded as imports by countries such as the UAE and Switzerland far exceed the declared exports from African nations.

Between 2012 and 2022, an estimated 2,569 tonnes of African gold entered the UAE without corresponding export declarations. The estimated value of this gold, at average market prices, is more than USD 115 billion.

Regional Impact and Policy Implications

In many African countries, ASM gold supports the livelihoods of millions of people, yet its informal nature excludes miners from legal protections and economic benefits. Moreover, gold mined in conflict-affected regions can serve as a funding source for non-state armed actors, thereby contributing to instability.

Government Response and Legislative Gaps

Kenya’s Ministry of Mining has proposed several reforms, including the creation of a Mining Police Unit to address illegal extraction and trafficking. There have also been efforts to review licensing procedures for small-scale miners and introduce digital tracking of exports.

However, critical legislation, notably the Gold Processing and Trade Bill, remains stalled in Parliament. Kenya is also not a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), limiting public access to vital production and export data.

Recommendations for Reform

According to the SWISSAID report, effective solutions will require a coordinated and multi-layered approach. First, African governments should take steps to formally integrate artisanal and small-scale miners into the formal economy. This includes providing licenses, technical support, environmental education, and access to finance. Doing so would help improve working conditions, increase state revenue collection, and reduce the incentive to engage in unregulated trade.

Second, governments must strengthen data transparency. Reliable and timely statistics on gold production and trade should be made publicly available and subjected to independent audits. For Kenya, this would involve improving customs controls and developing mechanisms to track gold flows from source to export.

Third, there is a need to adopt due diligence frameworks, such as those provided by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). These require actors in the gold supply chain to assess sourcing risks, particularly in conflict-prone regions, and to document and disclose their findings.

Finally, regional and international collaboration is crucial. Kenya and its neighbors should work with destination countries, particularly the UAE, to harmonize customs reporting, close trade loopholes, and investigate suspicious gold shipments. Joining global transparency initiatives, such as EITI, would also enhance Kenya’s credibility in the international mining and trade community.

Conclusion

Kenya’s role in the African gold trade is evolving. While the country seeks to strengthen its standing as a regional economic hub, the evidence suggests that it is also becoming a crucial transit point for undocumented gold. This poses challenges not only to national governance and revenue collection but also to regional peace and development.

As global attention focuses on supply chain accountability, Kenya’s choices in the coming years will determine whether it becomes a model for transparent, sustainable mining or remains a conduit for billions of dollars in untracked precious metals.

The post Kenya Identified as a Channel for Smuggled Gold from Across Africa appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

It’s routine work, but vital. These women are the backbone of Kenya’s informal sector, which contributes 35% to the national GDP.

Behind this daily enterprise lies a brutal truth. Despite their resilience, many women remain trapped in a persistent cycle of financial exploitation. Each year, billions of shillings are lost to corruption, predatory lending practices, and illicit financial flows. Whether through routine bribes, high-interest digital loans, or exclusion from formal banking services, women in the informal sector face systemic barriers that drain not only their earnings but also their potential to grow and thrive.

Claudine, Head of Business Banking for SMES at Equity Bank Kawangware, notes that many women in informal trade remain outside formal banking not by choice but due to systemic barriers.

“They’re often unable to meet basic requirements like minimum balances or collateral,” she explains. 

“Even those with thriving businesses lack things such as a minimum bank balance to access loans, car log books, title deeds, or formal business registration. That locks them out of credit and the safety of formal financial systems.”

“Many are stuck in ‘chamas’, leading them to lack money to deposit in the bank.” She adds.

They are not just traders but mothers, entrepreneurs, and community leaders. They are the backbone of Kenya’s economy. But the question remains: when will the system stop working against them?

The Silent Tax: Bribery and Extortion in Informal Trade

For many women in Kenya’s informal economy, paying bribes has become routine; it is simply the cost of doing business.

Traders in open-air markets often reserve a portion of their daily earnings to “secure” their spaces from county officials or to pay middlemen who assert control over market territories. Sometimes, they also make payments to avoid harassment from police and other enforcement officers. These transactions occur off the books, lack receipts, and are unpredictable.

“They come every week, and whether you’ve made sales or not, you must pay something or they’ll threaten to close down your stall. Sometimes we even borrow just to give them,” said Irene Vugutsa, a trader in Kawangware market. 

A Transparency International report shows that women in informal trade are especially vulnerable to corruption. This is mainly because they work in public spaces where enforcement officers, who are rarely held accountable, exploit their visibility and lack legal protection. Many women recount stories of paying multiple levies to county officers, (”I face constant harassment from local authorities. The city council collects money weekly, and if I don’t have it, they threaten to shut down my stall or fine me. It’s exhausting, and it puts a massive strain on my finances. I often have to borrow just to cover the bribes and still manage to feed my family and pay business rent,” shared Kavindu, a vegetable vendor in Kawangware.), local law enforcers, and even organised groups masquerading as market regulators.

At the Kenya-Uganda border, a study by Sauti and GIACE revealed that 56% of women traders experience corruption daily, while 81% encounter it monthly. Police were cited as the primary offenders in 47% of cases, followed by revenue officials at 18%.

A report from the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission estimates that informal traders lose Ksh. 238 billion annually to bribery and extortion, of which Ksh. 119 billion is lost by women.

“Yes, the city council collects money weekly. Sometimes, you have nothing at hand to give them, and they end up threatening you.” Anita, a vegetable vendor in the Kabiria area, Nairobi, states.

“ It causes financial strain… It affects my business since I can’t borrow beyond a certain limit due to outstanding debts.” Kavindu adds.

For many, the cost is not only financial. Those who refuse to comply face threats, confiscation of goods, and even gender-based harassment. Intimidation keeps them in constant fear and insecurity, hindering their ability to grow beyond mere survival.

The Dark Side of Digital Lending

To the unsuspecting clients, mobile loan apps offer a lifeline. With a smartphone and a few taps, women traders can access quick loans to restock goods, cover emergencies, or pay rent. But what seems like a financial cushion is often a trap lined with hidden fees, unrealistic repayment timelines, and punishing interest rates.

In the last decade, Kenya has seen an explosion of over 120 digital lending platforms, offering instant credit without the need for collateral. However, many of these loans come with annual interest rates as high as 400%. Borrowers often borrow from one app to pay off another, sinking deeper into a cycle of debt.

“I have used them before,” Nancy,  a hairdresser in Kawangware, explains. “The experience wasn’t good because of the threatening messages they sent and the short repayment deadlines.”

“You end up borrowing from one app to pay for the other. Before you know it, you’re blacklisted on CRB.” her collegue added.

Joseph Kairu, a financial expert at ABSA Bank, draws attention to a more insidious issue: the link between some digital lending apps and fraudulent behaviour.

“We’ve seen a rise in cases where unregulated apps don’t just exploit borrowers, they also pose cybersecurity risks,” he explains. “Some apps harvest personal data without consent, access contact lists, and can even plant spyware. These practices border on financial fraud and data breaches, and many users aren’t aware of the risks until it’s too late.”

He adds that without strict regulation and digital accountability, vulnerable groups, particularly women in informal trade, become easy targets for exploitation not only financially, but also digitally.

Alice, a second-hand clothes Dealer in Kabiria, Nairobi, shared how the system has trapped her deeper into debt:

“I took loans from a digital lending app,” also, “because I couldn’t afford to buy a smartphone in cash. So I went for a loan phone offer, but now I’m paying nearly three times more than I should. The interest rates are crazy and quite exploitative to small business owners like me.”

According to Financial Sector Deepening Kenya (FSD Kenya), a key challenge is financial literacy. Most borrowers don’t understand compound interest, hidden fees, or the terms that govern digital credit. Others aren’t aware of their rights or how to report exploitative behaviour.

Anthony Munyao, the Marketing Manager at SMEP Microfinance Bank, offers a perspective from within the financial industry. He notes that while regulation is slowly taking shape, especially with interventions from the Central Bank of Kenya, the digital lending space still operates with minimal oversight.

“It’s not that these platforms are entirely unregulated; regulation is evolving, but the digital credit sector has grown so fast that enforcement hasn’t caught up,” he explains. “Some lenders capitalize on emotional vulnerability. They know borrowers are desperate and uninformed, and that’s where exploitation thrives. Without accessible financial education and strong consumer protection, many, especially women, end up in cycles of stress, debt, and social harm.”

Claudine adds that while products like Fanikisha are designed to offer women-friendly digital lending options, adoption has been slow.

“We’ve seen that digital literacy is still a major gap. Many women are afraid to use apps because they don’t fully understand the terms. Without education and support, these tools become just another trap,” she says.

The lack of regulation means many lenders use aggressive tactics like contacting family members, employers, or clients to shame borrowers into repayment, a violation of privacy that causes emotional and social harm.

The Link Between Informality and Illicit Financial Flows

Kenya’s informal economy is extensive but predominantly operates outside formal systems. This obscured nature is not solely a consequence of informality; it also contributes to the prevalence of illicit financial flows (IFFS).

Financial exclusion forces women to depend on unregulated lenders and cash-based transactions, which are hard to monitor and tax. Women frequently face barriers when trying to access banking services, such as high minimum balance requirements for their accounts, the need for collateral, or the necessity of formally registering their businesses.

“Informality isn’t a sign of incompetence; it’s often the result of exclusion,” Claudine states. “The current system is not designed to recognize informal women entrepreneurs as legitimate. Until we fix that, they’ll keep operating in the shadows.”

This invisibility allows large suppliers in the informal economy to evade taxes, further weakening public resources. Government funds that could improve access to credit or offer business training are lost, leaving women traders to fend for themselves.

Corruption only worsens these financial leakages. When daily fees are paid as bribes instead of through official systems, the money ends up in shadow economies instead of contributing to national development.

Breaking the Cycle: The Need for Policy Reform

A multi-pronged strategy is needed to address the complex challenges facing Kenya’s informal economy and digital lending space. This includes enforcing regulations on digital lenders to cap interest rates, ensure transparent repayment terms, and penalize harassment, as outlined in the Central Bank of Kenya’s Digital Credit Providers Regulations 2021. According to the GIACE report, County governments should combat corruption in informal markets by eliminating illegal levies, digitizing payments, and holding corrupt officials accountable. Financial inclusion must be boosted by developing affordable, accessible credit tailored to informal traders without collateral or registration, as stated in a study by Mercy Corps. 

Claudine emphasizes the importance of intentional onboarding and support.

“You can’t just build products and expect women to come. We have to engage with them, build trust, explain options clearly, and offer solutions that match their income patterns,” she says.

“Financial literacy must go hand in hand with access, it’s the only way to create lasting inclusion.”

“Women, especially those in low-income and informal sectors, often lack access to accurate financial information. Strengthening financial literacy can empower them to make informed decisions, avoid over-indebtedness, and assert their consumer rights.”  Stated in the FSD Kenya report. 

Finally, the Deloitte Policy Analysis suggests that formalizing informal businesses through tax breaks and simplified registration can help integrate them into the formal economy. 

The women of Kenya’s informal economy strive to do their best. They work hard, support their families, and generate billions in economic value. But despite their contributions, they remain on the margins, exploited, ignored, and overburdened.

While institutions such as Equity Bank and Mercy Corps focus on onboarding and education, others emphasize the need for broader systemic change.

“Digital lending in Kenya grew faster than regulation could keep up,” says Anthony. “In the rush to fill credit gaps, oversight lagged behind innovation. Now, we’re seeing the consequences of exorbitant rates, privacy violations, and deepening debt cycles. Regulation must catch up, but so must our efforts to reach those being left behind.”

As one trader stated,

“I’m struggling to feed my family and pay business rent. I want to grow, but these debts, high taxes, and bribes hold me back.”

The fight for justice in Kenya’s informal economy concerns not only money but dignity, security, and the right to thrive.

Kenya’s future rests on the backs of its women traders. The question now is: Will the system continue to fail them, or will it finally rise to protect them?

CREDIT: “The project received support from the Thomson Reuters Foundation through the Media Foundation for West Africa, as part of its global work aiming to strengthen free, fair and informed societies. Any financial assistance or support provided to the journalist has no editorial influence. The content of this article belongs solely to the author and is not endorsed by or associated with the Thomson Reuters Foundation, Thomson Reuters, Reuters, nor any other affiliates”.

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