This is a story about resources, history, global politics, and what it means for Africa’s role in a world still divided by nuclear power.

A Treaty for Peace

In April 1996, African leaders gathered in Cairo and sealed a landmark agreement: the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, better known as the Pelindaba Treaty. The pact, named after a South African nuclear research site, was designed to make the entire continent a nuclear-weapon-free zone.

Under the treaty:

• African states cannot develop, test, acquire, stockpile, or possess nuclear weapons.
• They must not host nuclear explosive devices nor allow stationing of such weapons on their soil.
• Countries are also prohibited from dumping radioactive waste.
• But they can use nuclear science and technology for peaceful purposes, like medical research or energy, under international oversight.

The treaty was opened for signature on 12 April 1996 and finally entered into force on 15 July 2009 once enough countries ratified it. Today, tens of African states have signed and ratified the treaty, underlining a collective commitment to disarmament.

Put simply:
Africa chose peace over nukes and enshrined it in law.

Uranium: Africa’s Hidden Power

Yet while African nations forego nuclear weapons, their soil remains rich in uranium, the key fuel that powers nuclear reactors and can be used for weapons.

Experts estimate that Africa holds close to 18% of the world’s identified uranium resources, meaning a significant share of the raw material needed for nuclear fuel is found on the continent.

And production data show just how critical Africa is to the global uranium market:

• Namibia alone accounted for about 11.37% of global uranium output in 2022, making it one of the world’s top producers.
• Niger contributed roughly 4% of global production in the same year, making it another major African uranium supplier.

Taken together, Africa’s contribution to the world’s mined uranium moves well into the teens as a percentage of total output, making it a vital source of this strategic material.

This sets up a stark contrast:

Africa supplies uranium the substance needed for nuclear fuel and weapons but refuses nuclear weapons itself.

The material ends up in the hands of foreign buyers, fueling power plants in Europe, Asia, and beyond, and in some cases enabling the very nuclear programs African leaders vowed not to embrace.

Who Benefits, and Who Doesn’t?

On paper, exporting uranium should be a boost for African economies. But the reality on the ground is more complicated.

Much of Africa’s uranium mining is controlled by multinational corporations or foreign state-linked firms, which provide capital and export markets but capture a large share of the profits. Local governments benefit through taxes and royalties, yet the wealth often leaves the continent rather than catalyzing broad-based development.

In Niger, for example, uranium mining has fueled debates about sovereignty and economic justice. A recent dispute involving the French nuclear firm Orano illustrated how control over uranium resources remains a flashpoint in West Africa, tied to post-colonial economic relations and national pride.

According to the Nuclear Business Platform, Namibia continues to produce large quantities of uranium and is now exploring ways to capture more value from processing and domestic nuclear technology development rather than just exporting raw ore.

A Peaceful Nuclear Future, or Missed Opportunities?

Although the Pelindaba Treaty is strict about weapons, it explicitly permits peaceful uses of nuclear science and technology, including for energy generation and research.

South Africa, for instance, operates the continent’s only large commercial nuclear power plant at Koeberg, supplying electricity without weapons. Several other countries, from Egypt to Kenya, have expressed interest in nuclear power to address chronic energy shortages. But building and financing nuclear infrastructure is expensive and complex, and most remain in early planning stages.

This juxtaposition deepens the paradox:
Africa produces much of the fuel that powers nuclear programs elsewhere, but many of its people still lack reliable electricity and the benefits of nuclear technology at home.

What It All Means

Africa’s stance on nuclear weapons is bold and principled: a continent-wide renunciation of nuclear arms at a time when global tensions remain high. It reinforces Africa’s voice in global non-proliferation and underscores a desire for peace and security.

But the contrast between resource wealth and technological power also reveals deeper global inequalities:
Africa supplies the world’s uranium while much of its population remains economically and politically excluded from the benefits of nuclear science and energy.

That’s the real irony.

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The Association of Media Women in Kenya (AMWIK) report, Fifteen Years On: An Evaluation of Kenya’s Women Political Representation in Relation to the Two-Thirds Gender Rule, provides a troubling assessment. It reveals a network of barriers: a patriarchal political culture, filled with violence and intimidation against women candidates; parties that overlook women during nominations; and prohibitively high campaign costs that financially exclude them. These systemic issues have hindered progress, turning constitutional goals into ongoing exclusion.

Kenya’s situation is even more pronounced when compared to other countries in the region. While our multi-party democracy is vibrant, we lag our East African neighbours in actual gender representation. Rwanda leads globally at 61% after the 2024 elections, Tanzania remains at 37.4%, and Uganda at 34.1%. The difference lies in their move from hopeful ideals to strong systems like minimum 30% quotas written into law, special electoral colleges in Rwanda, and performance-linked proportional lists in Tanzania. Kenya’s competitive model seems admirable, but without strict enforcement, it offers more illusion than reality.

The AMWIK report outlines a clear path and a strategy to compliance to the ‘two-thirds’ in due course. To move the needle, Parliament must pass laws that combine direct elections with reserved seats, particularly at the county level. It should also advocate for gender-balanced tickets for presidential and gubernatorial races, ensuring running mates of the opposite gender.

Firstly, the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) should link party funding to gender-responsive nomination rules, supported by penalties for non-compliance. Additionally, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) should enforce these rules as conditions for elections. To eliminate financial barriers, the IEBC needs to set limits on nomination fees and campaign spending, while Parliament should strengthen swift justice against gender-based political violence.

Women themselves can play a crucial role in shifting the balance. The report indicates that more women running for office leads to better outcomes, especially when candidates consistently run in the same constituency to boost visibility.

Aspiring candidates should strategically use digital and mainstream media to counter biased narratives that focus on traditional societal roles instead of leadership skills. Clear guidelines for gender-responsive coverage that highlight manifestos and qualifications would enhance this effort, making media a powerful tool in elections.

The 2027 election represents the next test of our constitution. Leaders, political parties, and electoral bodies must commit to making the Two-Thirds Principle a priority, transforming Kenya from a place of high expectations to one of real inclusivity.

The AMWIK Report is available here

Queenter Mbori is the Executive Director, AMWIK and Founder of WoKN

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A May 2024 report by SWISSAID reveals that more than 435 tonnes of gold, valued at approximately USD 30.7 billion, were smuggled out of Africa in 2022 alone. Much of this gold, primarily produced through ASM, is never declared at the point of production or export, but is nonetheless recorded as legal imports in major gold trading hubs such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Switzerland, and India.

Kenya’s Position in the Gold Trade

Although Kenya is not among Africa’s top gold producers, its central position in East Africa, proximity to gold-rich neighbors, and access to international air routes have positioned it as a transit country for gold originating from elsewhere. Trade data and reporting by SWISSAID suggest that gold from artisanal mining operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan, and Sudan may be entering Kenya through informal or poorly monitored cross-border channels before being exported internationally.

Kenya’s main airport, Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA), plays a crucial role in the movement of high-value goods, including gold. While gold exports officially require documentation and permits, investigators and civil society organizations have raised concerns about the possibility of forged or incomplete paperwork, mislabeling, and weak enforcement of customs controls.

The extent of the discrepancy between Kenya’s declared gold exports and corresponding import data from destination countries further highlights the scale of the problem.

Discrepancies in Trade Data

Such discrepancies are not isolated to Kenya. SWISSAID’s research relies on mirror data analysis, comparing export records from African countries with import records from their trading partners. In many instances, the quantities of gold recorded as imports by countries such as the UAE and Switzerland far exceed the declared exports from African nations.

Between 2012 and 2022, an estimated 2,569 tonnes of African gold entered the UAE without corresponding export declarations. The estimated value of this gold, at average market prices, is more than USD 115 billion.

Regional Impact and Policy Implications

In many African countries, ASM gold supports the livelihoods of millions of people, yet its informal nature excludes miners from legal protections and economic benefits. Moreover, gold mined in conflict-affected regions can serve as a funding source for non-state armed actors, thereby contributing to instability.

Government Response and Legislative Gaps

Kenya’s Ministry of Mining has proposed several reforms, including the creation of a Mining Police Unit to address illegal extraction and trafficking. There have also been efforts to review licensing procedures for small-scale miners and introduce digital tracking of exports.

However, critical legislation, notably the Gold Processing and Trade Bill, remains stalled in Parliament. Kenya is also not a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), limiting public access to vital production and export data.

Recommendations for Reform

According to the SWISSAID report, effective solutions will require a coordinated and multi-layered approach. First, African governments should take steps to formally integrate artisanal and small-scale miners into the formal economy. This includes providing licenses, technical support, environmental education, and access to finance. Doing so would help improve working conditions, increase state revenue collection, and reduce the incentive to engage in unregulated trade.

Second, governments must strengthen data transparency. Reliable and timely statistics on gold production and trade should be made publicly available and subjected to independent audits. For Kenya, this would involve improving customs controls and developing mechanisms to track gold flows from source to export.

Third, there is a need to adopt due diligence frameworks, such as those provided by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). These require actors in the gold supply chain to assess sourcing risks, particularly in conflict-prone regions, and to document and disclose their findings.

Finally, regional and international collaboration is crucial. Kenya and its neighbors should work with destination countries, particularly the UAE, to harmonize customs reporting, close trade loopholes, and investigate suspicious gold shipments. Joining global transparency initiatives, such as EITI, would also enhance Kenya’s credibility in the international mining and trade community.

Conclusion

Kenya’s role in the African gold trade is evolving. While the country seeks to strengthen its standing as a regional economic hub, the evidence suggests that it is also becoming a crucial transit point for undocumented gold. This poses challenges not only to national governance and revenue collection but also to regional peace and development.

As global attention focuses on supply chain accountability, Kenya’s choices in the coming years will determine whether it becomes a model for transparent, sustainable mining or remains a conduit for billions of dollars in untracked precious metals.

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 While the report paints that global unemployment is at historic lows, the story is vastly different across Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, faces some of the highest levels of working poverty, informality, and youth unemployment globally. Despite being home to the world’s youngest population, the region struggles to create enough decent jobs to meet the demands of its growing workforce.  

This isn’t just about numbers, it’s about lives. Millions of young Africans are entering the labor market each year, only to face limited opportunities, informal work, or outright unemployment. The youth unemployment rate in sub-Saharan Africa is rising faster than in most regions, exacerbated by stagnant economies, weak industrialization, and limited access to quality education and training. 

The report also estimates that over 186 million people globally are unemployed, with African countries contributing disproportionately to this figure.  

In Africa, youth unemployment isn’t just a statistic; it’s a crisis that risks destabilizing entire societies. Young people are three to four times more likely to be unemployed than adults, and many who are employed remain trapped in informal, low-paying jobs. Worse still, a growing number of African youth are neither working nor pursuing education or training. In some parts of the continent, the NEET (Not in Employment, Education, or Training) rate for women exceeds 30%, reflecting deep structural barriers such as unequal access to opportunities, societal expectations, and care responsibilities.  

These trends aren’t just personal tragedies, they’re economic disasters waiting to explode right into our faces. The inability to harness Africa’s demographic dividend, where the majority of the population is working-age, undermines the continent’s potential for economic growth. Countries like Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa, often seen as regional powerhouses, are not immune. High unemployment in these nations drives brain drain, political instability, and lost economic output.  

The report also highlights another critical issue: informality. More than 80% of workers in sub-Saharan Africa operate in informal sectors with no social protection or job security. Women are particularly disadvantaged, facing gendered barriers in accessing formal work and entrepreneurship opportunities. The persistence of these challenges signifies the urgent need for structural reforms.  

Industrial policies could provide part of the solution. Africa’s manufacturing sector has yet to replicate the growth seen in Asia, which helped lift millions out of poverty.

 Governments must prioritize diversifying their economies, investing in value-added industries, and supporting small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). These sectors hold untapped potential for job creation if properly supported by access to capital, infrastructure, and markets.

One bright spot is the potential of the green economy. The global transition to renewable energy has created 16.2 million jobs, with significant opportunities for Africa to follow suit. Yet, the report notes that nearly half of these jobs are concentrated in Eastern Asia. For Africa to benefit, policymakers must incentivize green investments in solar, wind, and sustainable agriculture while ensuring that local workers gain the skills needed for these jobs.  

Morocco and South Africa are beginning to make strides, with growing investments in renewable energy projects. But these efforts must scale up continent-wide. Imagine the impact if Africa’s sun-rich regions becoming the epicenter of global solar energy production, creating millions of jobs while addressing the energy crisis experienced in most countries.

Africa’s jobs crisis demands bold, coordinated action. Governments must shift their focus from short-term fixes to long-term solutions that address systemic challenges. Expanding access to quality education and vocational training is essential. Strengthening labor protections and creating pathways from informal to formal employment would also go a long way toward improving livelihoods.  

The private sector must play its part, too, by investing in local talent, supporting startups, and adopting inclusive hiring practices. International bodies and development partners can support these efforts through targeted funding and capacity-building initiatives.  

The stakes couldn’t be higher for Africa. A failure to address unemployment and underemployment risks entrenching poverty, inequality, and political instability across the continent. But with strategic investments, bold reforms, and a commitment to inclusive growth, Africa can turn its labor market challenges into an opportunity.  

For a continent brimming with potential, the choice is clear: take bold action now or risk losing a generation to despair. It’s time for African leaders, businesses, and the global community to rise to the challenge. Africa’s youth are ready to contribute. Let’s give them the chance to do so. 

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Her win signifies how much has changed but also shows how far there is to go. Like many women leaders, she faced doubts and criticism that her male counterparts rarely encounter. But she let her work speak for itself, proving that leadership is about ability, not gender.  

Netumbo joins an inspiring group of African women who have shattered the glass ceiling. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia was Africa’s first elected female president, showing the world what women could achieve when given the chance. In Ethiopia, Sahle-Work Zewde made history as the country’s first female president, emphasizing unity and equality in her leadership. Tanzania’s Samia Suluhu Hassan has also proven to be a steady, thoughtful leader since she became president in 2021. Together, these women are reshaping the face of leadership in Africa, one step at a time.  

But the path to leadership for women in Africa is still full of obstacles. Female leaders often face harsher criticism, greater scrutiny, and even threats. It’s a hard road, but every win makes it a little easier for the next generation. Netumbo’s victory is more than just a personal achievement. It’s a symbol of hope for women across Namibia and Africa, a reminder that with determination, change is possible.  

Her presidency comes with high hopes. People believe she’ll address pressing socio-economic issues such as unemployment and gender-based violence, focusing on fairness and opportunity for everyone. At the same time, her leadership sends a powerful message to young girls across Africa: they can dream big, too.  

Netumbo’s story, like those of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Sahle-Work Zewde, and Samia Suluhu Hassan, proves that women belong in leadership. Their successes are paving the way for a brighter, more inclusive future for Africa.

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A Nation Africa digital card posted on Facebook claiming that Tana River Senator Danson Mungatana had paid a courtesy call to Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua during which he withdrew a censure motion against the DP, is fake.

The post contains a photo of several leaders, including Mr Mungatana and Mr Gachagua outside the DP’s office at his official residence in Karen, Nairobi.

The digital card is dated September 24, 2024, just a day after Mungatana, a member of the ruling UDA, filed a censure motion against the DP citing Gachagua’s “marginalization of minority groups and inciteful remarks” as key reasons for the motion forwarded to Senate Speaker Amason Kingi.

The claim came amid efforts to impeach Gachagua, which eventually happened on October 17, 2024. 

However, WOKN established that the picture was originally posted by the DP on his X (formerly Twitter) account on December 7, 2023, after a follow-up meeting with Tana River leaders to discuss the El Nino situation in the county and the government’s intervention. 

Moreover, following a review of Nation Africa’s social media pages, WOKN also established that the media outlet had distanced itself from the card on its X account, stating; “Please be advised that this card doing rounds on social media is fake.”

Garsen MP Ali Hashaka, who was present during the December meeting also posted on his X account stating; “Mr. DP, BEWARE! This post is falsifying and inaccurate. It does not emanate from any media house but blogger dimwits. This was during the drought and floods in Tana River and the leadership of Tana River including Senator Mungatana, Bura Mp Hon Yakub Adow, and W Rep.”

This fact-check was written by Woman Kenya Network fact-checker William Bulemi and edited by Woman Kenya Editor, Shadrack Agamira.

This fact-check was produced by Woman Kenya Network (WOKN) under the African Fact-Checking Incubator programme, with support from PesaCheck, Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, and the African Fact-Checking Alliance(AFCA).

Woman Kenya Network is a distinguished digital media company committed to advancing gender equality and promoting the equitable participation of women and girls in society.

Launched in 2018, WOKN has grown into a fully-fledged digital media platform with a vibrant social media presence on Facebook, X, LinkedIn, and TikTok.

Our platforms have become a trusted and reliable source of information on gender-sensitive content covering diverse thematic areas including Politics, Climate, Peace and Security, Gender Justice, Health, Economic Empowerment, and SRHR as guided by SDG 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.  We use the media to advocate for gender equality, promote just portrayal, and amplify women’s voices in society.

The post FAKE: A Graphic Claiming that Senator Danson Mungatana Withdrew the Censure Motion Against Gachagua is Fabricated appeared first on Woman Kenya Network.

Karua criticized President William Ruto’s administration for reintroducing parts of the rejected Finance Bill 2024. She warned that these actions could spark nationwide protests again. Karua condemned the arbitrary arrests, abductions, and killings carried out by police during the protests, demanding that those responsible face justice.

She urged Kenyans to stay vigilant and resist any attempts to bring back controversial elements of the Finance Bill, such as the fuel levy. Karua accused President Ruto of using fear, intimidation, and the suppression of dissent as tools to crush opposition.

“We will submit this statement and more details as a formal complaint to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the UN Human Rights Commission, and other relevant organizations. Kenya must uphold the rights contained therein,” Karua said.

She questioned the fate of over 50 people who have gone missing since June 25th, asking whether they were dead or alive. Karua vowed not to stay silent, asserting that silence would make them complicit in the betrayal.

Karua blasted the government for disobeying court orders, including the use of lethal force during demonstrations, despite a court order prohibiting such actions.

She hinted at a possible return to street protests on August 27th to mark 14 years since the Constitution of Kenya 2010 was promulgated. Karua emphasized that authorities must follow the law when handling protests.

“As we approach the 14th anniversary of the promulgation of our Constitution on August 27th, we must reflect on how far we have strayed from its promise,” Karua said.

Karua also slammed the government’s plan to enter into a public-private partnership with the Adani Group for the rehabilitation of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA). She raised concerns about the secrecy surrounding the deal and questioned how it would benefit Kenya.

“It’s the same script the regime is using to gift the Adani Group our main gateway, the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. I say ‘gift’ because this is surrounded by secrecy, and no one knows what benefit Kenya will get,” she added.

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Crystal Asige, who has been in the Senate for two years, stands out for her success in sponsoring and passing significant legislation. Among her key achievements was the Startup Senate Bill, which is lauded for its potential to revolutionize the entrepreneurial landscape in Kenya by providing a supportive framework for startups.

Asige’s inclusion in the top ranks demonstrates her commitment to addressing pressing national issues through innovative legislative solutions. Her work in the Senate has not only garnered attention but also positioned her as a leading voice among lawmakers advocating for sustainable economic growth.

The Timely Kenya study also places Asige alongside other prominent senators, including Nandi County’s Samson Cherargei, who is noted for the Employment Bill, and Homa Bay’s Moses Kajwang, recognized for the County Boundaries Bill. These senators, along with Asige, have been instrumental in shaping key policies that impact various sectors across the country.

Additionally, Asige is among the senators with the most motions in the House, reflecting her active engagement in Senate debates and discussions. This level of participation is mirrored by other top-performing senators such as Busia County’s Okiya Omtata, who leads in the number of motions presented.

The study also highlights the overall public presence of senators, with Nairobi’s Edwin Sifuna, Okiya Omtata, and Richard Onyonka of Kisii County ranking high in this category. Despite this, Asige’s legislative impact remains a standout achievement, earning her a spot as one of the most active and effective senators in the country.

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The award focused on the senator’s leading and inspiring role as a young woman with a disability in leadership.  Since her nomination, Asige has sponsored three Bills, including the Persons with Disabilities Bill 2023, the Kenyan Sign Language Bill 2023, and the Startup Bill 2022.

Speaking at the award ceremonies, Asige said the recognition has motivated her to continue impacting Kenyans, especially women, and persons with disabilities.

“Resilience is crucial in any journey and anything important is worth waiting for. We, as women, have to remember it starts with us. If we don’t have the fuel and the fire that spurs us on, nobody around us will be persuaded by our push,” Senator Asige said.

The senator also recognized the power of the media in ensuring empowerment for women in the country by offering them a platform to voice their challenges and showcase their achievements to society, inspiring other women and girls to believe it is possible.

“As a Kenyan female senator, and the only Member of Parliament, with a visual disability, I believe in using the power of media to bring a lasting change in mindset. Through media, we can break down existing barriers and make positive changes in our society.”

Senator Asige continues to play a leading role in protecting women’s lives, having raised a notice of motion of adjournment on the increased killings of women and girls recently witnessed in the country on the floor of the Kenyan Senate and organizing for the same motion in the National Assembly, terming it as an urgent matter of national importance.

Speaking on Valentine’s Day, she called on all women in the country to wear black to mark the first Dark Valentine in Kenya, marked throughout the country with overnight vigils. She has also released a new song, Tattoo encouraging women to conceal their struggles with body art and soldier on.

Senator Crystal Asige, an award-winning musician, represents persons with disabilities and special interest groups in the parliament of the Republic of Kenya. She is also, a diversity equity and inclusion consultant, disability rights advocate, and inclusive mobility and transport practitioner.

She is a former Amnesty International Kenya board member, BBC-trained professional, published researcher, and blogger who graduated from the University of the West of England, Bristol.

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Addressing the nation in a televised speech on Saturday, Novak acknowledged her mistake, stating, “I decided to grant a pardon last April, believing that the convict did not exploit the vulnerability of the children whom he had overseen.”

“I am resigning my post,” Katalin Novak said, acknowledging that she had made a mistake. “I apologize to those who I hurt and all the victims who may have had the impression that I did not support them,” Katalin Novak added. “I am, I was and I will remain in favour of protecting children and families.”

Thousands of protesters gathered in Budapest, demanding her resignation after she pardoned individuals, including a children’s home deputy director involved in concealing the crimes of the former director.

Novak, a close ally of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, apologized to victims and their families but faced calls for resignation from Hungarian opposition parties. The resignation comes less than two years into her tenure as Hungary’s first female president.

The sexual abuse case

A massive controversy emerged after President Katalin Novak gave clemency to a man jailed for forcing children to retract sexual abuse claims, against a director of a state-run children’s home. 

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