The Association of Media Women in Kenya (AMWIK) report, Fifteen Years On: An Evaluation of Kenya’s Women Political Representation in Relation to the Two-Thirds Gender Rule, provides a troubling assessment. It reveals a network of barriers: a patriarchal political culture, filled with violence and intimidation against women candidates; parties that overlook women during nominations; and prohibitively high campaign costs that financially exclude them. These systemic issues have hindered progress, turning constitutional goals into ongoing exclusion.

Kenya’s situation is even more pronounced when compared to other countries in the region. While our multi-party democracy is vibrant, we lag our East African neighbours in actual gender representation. Rwanda leads globally at 61% after the 2024 elections, Tanzania remains at 37.4%, and Uganda at 34.1%. The difference lies in their move from hopeful ideals to strong systems like minimum 30% quotas written into law, special electoral colleges in Rwanda, and performance-linked proportional lists in Tanzania. Kenya’s competitive model seems admirable, but without strict enforcement, it offers more illusion than reality.

The AMWIK report outlines a clear path and a strategy to compliance to the ‘two-thirds’ in due course. To move the needle, Parliament must pass laws that combine direct elections with reserved seats, particularly at the county level. It should also advocate for gender-balanced tickets for presidential and gubernatorial races, ensuring running mates of the opposite gender.

Firstly, the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) should link party funding to gender-responsive nomination rules, supported by penalties for non-compliance. Additionally, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) should enforce these rules as conditions for elections. To eliminate financial barriers, the IEBC needs to set limits on nomination fees and campaign spending, while Parliament should strengthen swift justice against gender-based political violence.

Women themselves can play a crucial role in shifting the balance. The report indicates that more women running for office leads to better outcomes, especially when candidates consistently run in the same constituency to boost visibility.

Aspiring candidates should strategically use digital and mainstream media to counter biased narratives that focus on traditional societal roles instead of leadership skills. Clear guidelines for gender-responsive coverage that highlight manifestos and qualifications would enhance this effort, making media a powerful tool in elections.

The 2027 election represents the next test of our constitution. Leaders, political parties, and electoral bodies must commit to making the Two-Thirds Principle a priority, transforming Kenya from a place of high expectations to one of real inclusivity.

The AMWIK Report is available here

Queenter Mbori is the Executive Director, AMWIK and Founder of WoKN

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The media has always reflected Kenya’s triumphs and struggles. It plays a crucial role in protecting democracy from the grassroots to the national level. As Canadian philosopher Marshall McLuhan said, “the media is an extension of ourselves,” influencing how we understand society and hold those in power accountable. This responsibility is even more significant during tense times such as conflict, disasters, and elections, when public trust and the future of democracy rely on timely, accurate, and unbiased reporting.  

Kenya’s media journey is tied to its democratic development. From colonial-era repression, when the press was heavily controlled to serve state interests, to the growth of radio and print after independence, Kenyan media gradually became the people’s voice. During single-party rule, the government used strict censorship. However, with the liberal changes in the 1990s and the constitutional reforms of 2010, a new chapter began.

The 2010 constitution established media freedom in Article 34, banning state interference and guaranteeing independence for the first time. This progress has enabled the press to report the facts and serve as a foundation for democratic checks and balances. However, restrictive laws and practices remain, making the fight for true press freedom ongoing, especially during political contests.

Technological progress has accelerated changes in the media landscape. Kenya’s 2015 digital migration led to rapid growth, resulting in over 182 TV stations, 135 radio stations, 38 print houses, and dozens of strong online outlets by 2025. Mobile phones and social media have made sharing information easier, giving urban and rural communities quick access to news and different viewpoints. Thus, the media has become vital to national discussions, crisis reporting, and democratic engagement, despite ongoing threats from both state and non-state actors.

With these changes, the risks for journalists have increased. The Media Council of Kenya reported over 50 cases of violations of journalists’ safety and security in 2025. The rise in violence during the Finance Bill protests of 2024, when more than 40 journalists were injured, shows the dangerous environment for those reporting news. As political tensions rise with the approaching 2027 elections, these threats are likely to increase unless they are addressed proactively.

The safety of female journalists is particularly concerning. Their numbers and presence in national and local media have increased, with more women taking on leadership and reporting roles. Yet, they face a higher risk, dealing not only with common threats like assault and intimidation but also with gender-based violence, including sexual harassment, threats of sexual violence, and persistent online abuse.

According to AMWIK’s 2024 report on Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV), over 60% of women journalists surveyed reported online harassment. The research shows that technology and social media can amplify voices but also target women for silencing. “This emerging violence undermines the participation of women journalists in public discussions, threatening democracy itself,” notes the AMWIK report.

The dedication and resilience of Kenya’s female journalists, which is sometimes overlooked, has shaped public debate on important topics, from social justice to legislative changes. Their safety is not just about individual well-being but about maintaining the credibility and inclusivity of our democracy.  

To move forward, we need urgent interventions. This includes targeted training in gender-sensitive and election reporting, better safety measures for both physical and online environments, quick support for journalists in danger, and mental health care to address rising stress issues recently highlighted when NTV’s Brygettes Ngana won the Journalist of the Year award.

We must prioritize improved accreditation, better access to election data, and consistent legal reforms to address online and offline attacks. Media stakeholders, government, and civil society must work together to protect the hard-won gains of press freedom and ensure an inclusive media future.  

Finally, Kenya is not immune to broader regional threats. The situation in Tanzania, where media suppression and internet shutdowns limited transparency during elections, serves as a warning. Kenya must build resilience, strengthen accountability, and ensure that no journalist, especially women, is silenced or pushed aside in their mission to report the truth.  

As 2027 nears, we must invest urgently and thoughtfully in the safety of our journalists. Our democracy, our voice, and our future depend on it.  

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Research from the Association of Media Women in Kenya in 2024 titled “An Investigation on the Prevalence of Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence Against Women with Prominent Public Lives” found that over half of the women journalists surveyed had experienced gendered online abuse. Digital attacks often coincide with major news cycles and coordinated campaigns.

This violence takes many forms, including smear campaigns, stalking, altered images, and planned online threats. The anonymity and the wide reach of the internet make these attacks more severe. The research also showed gaps in the current legal frameworks and remedies as they have struggled to keep up, leaving many victims with few options.

In response, AMWIK developed Kenya’s first Safety and Security Handbook for journalists. This handbook offers practical digital safety strategies and advocates for survivor-focused solutions.  Beyond the handbook, comic strips, podcasts, and mental health advocacy have been instrumental in raising awareness and building resilience among journalists, young people, and community leaders.

However, as digital threats increase, national policies have attempted to catch up. Recently, President William Ruto signed the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes (Amendment) Act, 2024 into law. This law expands state powers to tackle cybercrime, introducing stricter penalties for cyber harassment, explicit content, and online fraud.

For survivors of TFGBV, the promise of a crackdown on digital abuse seems like a positive development, but with serious concerns about vague definitions and the broad authority given to the National Computer and Cybercrimes Coordination Committee (NC4). This committee can now order the removal or blocking of digital content without needing explicit court approval.

This authority, without clear judicial oversight, can easily be misused to silence legitimate dissent and journalism. It is particularly concerning given the law’s unclear standards about “false, misleading or fictional data” and “offensive” content. With potential penalties reaching KSh 20 million or 10 years in prison, many reporters now face a real threat of self-censorship or prosecution for producing work that exposes political corruption or holds leaders accountable.

For women, the situation is even more complicated. While stricter penalties for cyber harassment recognize the reality of TFGBV, the language in the law is not explicitly focused on survivors.  Without clear definitions and trauma-informed enforcement, women activists and journalists who speak out could become targets for counterclaims, victim-blaming, or legal retaliation from their abusers.

As Kenya’s digital landscape evolves, the fight against technology-facilitated gendered violence and disinformation requires more than just new laws. There is a need for more partnerships between media, government, civil society, and technology platforms to monitor online harm, share resources, and develop quick, rights-based responses. There is also a need for improved digital and media literacy, empowering communities to recognize, resist, and report TFGBV and gendered disinformation. Additionally, we support judicial reform and law enforcement training to ensure that the law protects rather than punishes survivors while upholding media freedom.

Mental health support is also essential in the digital space, with the need to access counseling and peer support, because the unseen mental wounds can be just as harmful as public attacks.

As we observe the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists, it is vital to acknowledge the increasing risks that women face in Kenya’s newsrooms and public spaces. The challenge is urgent, especially as Kenya approaches another election cycle.

Technology should amplify, not silence voices of women in journalism.

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Born on March 28, 1996, Theofelus had previously served as a member of parliament and the deputy minister of ICT in Namibia. Her notable contributions during the COVID-19 pandemic, where she played a key role in public communication on preventative measures, earned her recognition.

Theofelus holds an LLB Honours Degree from the University of Namibia, a diploma in Business Management from Amity University, and a diploma in Afrikan Feminism and Gender Studies from the University of South Africa. Her achievements include being awarded a Laureate in the Individual Category of the United Nations Population Award in June 2022 and being named one of the BBC’s 100 Most Influential Women in the World in 2021.

She is also an Amujae Leader 2023 under the mentorship of H.E Ellen Jonson-Sirleaf. She serves on the Boards of Africa REACH and NalaFEM and was nominated in the BBC’s top 100 Most Influential Women. The young minister has been an advocate for youth empowerment and sustainable development since 2009, championing the recognition of children’s rights in Namibia and collaborating with global youth organizations.

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The foods listed are crab meat, pineapple, papaya or pawpaw, processed meat, “wild apples”, green tea, and caffeine.

Is this true?

What causes miscarriage?

According to the UK’s Miscarriage Association, most women who lose a baby through miscarriage don’t find out why, “even if they have investigations”.  

The World Health Organization says there are many reasons why a miscarriage may happen, including foetal abnormalities, the age of the mother, and a variety of infections. However, it is often difficult to determine the cause.

Tommy’s is a UK-based charity that funds research into pregnancy complications. It suggests some lifestyle changes that may “lower the chance of having a miscarriage”. 

These changes include avoiding certain foods and limiting others, including caffeine. The charity mentions that green tea contains caffeine, and should also be limited.

Tommy’s says: “It is safe to eat cold, pre-packed meats such as ham and corned beef.”  But it warns against eating cured meat, which is raw, and any liver products. 

It also says that cooked shellfish, including crab, is safe to eat, but raw shellfish can cause food poisoning. 

None of the fruits mentioned in the Facebook post are listed. 

‘Everyday food safe for pregnant women’

We asked Samuel Uzoigwe, a professor of obstetrics and gynaecology at the University of Port Harcourt in Rivers State, Nigeria, about the fruits mentioned in the post.  

He said the fruits, if consumed in moderation, were not harmful to a pregnant woman or foetus.

“The food and fruits listed are things that make up the diet of an average Nigerian. We can talk about food causing miscarriage only when the food has been contaminated or contains toxic materials, not everyday fruits,” Uzoigwe added.

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Twenty-five year old Moroccan Defender Nouhalia Benzina made history by becoming the first player to wear a hijab at the World Cup. Nouhalia played in the match that secured her team a 1-0 win over South Korea. 

 Assmaah Helal, the Muslim Women in Sports Network Co-founder, praised Benzina:

“Girls will look at Benzina [and think] ‘that could be me. Also, the policymakers, the decision-makers, and administrators will say, ‘We need to do more in our country to create these accepting and open and inclusive spaces for women and girls to participate in the game.”

Benzina’s admirable step shows her freedom to express her beliefs since twenty years ago hijabs were placed beyond a line in the sand. In 2014, Fifa authorized the wearing of head coverings for religious reasons. Previously it had banned the hijab on safety and health grounds, fearing possible choking. They later changed this before the Under-17 Women’s World Cup that was held in Jordan.

Nouhalia plays professionally as a defender for the Association’s Sports of Forces Armed Royal and Morocco Women’s National Team. She was included in the Moroccan national team squad for the 2023 FIFA Women’s World Cup.

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In this episode of Women, Peace, and Security Podcats, he narrates how he turned his life around after a period of radicalization. We also discuss the role of women in countering violent extremism, radicalization, and terrorism.

Salim was awarded the Head of State Commendation Award by President Uhuru Kenyatta in 2018 for his role in countering violent extremism, radicalization, and terrorism in Kenya.

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